Making the Provisions of Water More Effective
Paper presented for Symposium on November 29, 2006 at PGIA, University of Peradeniya
"Providing water and sanitation facilities alone itself are unable to solve the problems ofcommunities effectively unless interventions do not attend to improve the hygienebehaviours. This paper is looking at the effectiveness of such an interventionThis research was funded by European Union which continued for a period of 3 years."
Sugandhi Samarasinghe & Pallitha Jayaweera,
AbstractAs water and sanitation facilities being vital factor for good hygiene behaviors, it expressesdirect relatedness in most of the disease incidences. Diarrhea, worm infestation and eyeand skin infections are diseases related to water and sanitation. Simple hygiene behaviorsare key to improving health. Hygiene promotion is therefore recognized nowadays as anessential part of water and sanitation programmes if the maximum health benefits are to begained from provision of improved facilities. This research was done in 6 countries; Kenya,Uganda, Ghana, Nepal, India and Sri Lanka targeting behaviors of hand washing, havingand using latrines, safe disposal of infant excreta and storing drinking water safely. Themain objectives were to assess the level of sustainability of behavioral change one to threeyears after a hygiene promotion intervention, to develop a methodology for simple, costeffectivelong-term monitoring of behavioral changes, to gain insight into relationshipsbetween project approaches, External conditions and sustainability of changes in hygienebehavior and to determine the policy and programming implications of the study findings asa basis for influencing future policy and increasing the effectiveness of programmes.Samples in the six-country study were done in Ghana, India and Sri Lanka. In othercountries Kenya, Nepal and Uganda, random sampling was not practical because in thecommunities concerned there were relatively few households with latrines. Therefore apurposive selection was needed. Results and observations were based on comparing withcontrol groups, using baseline data and looking for direct evidence. Effects of externalvariables as access to water, duration of the project, education and socio-economic statuswere considered. Study was observed in two ways: End dates (A comparison was made ofprojects that ended in different years) and Study Dates (comparison was made of data thatwas collected at two different times, one year apart.). The results showed that hygieneinterventions had an impact on aspects of hand washing skills/ practice and latrine use/maintenance. Sustainability of hygiene behaviors infers that, in terms of behaviorsustainability, the amount of time since the projects ended did not make much of adifference. Hygiene behaviors were seen to be similarly sustained in projects that endedfour years or only one or two years before the study.
1.0 Introduction
The challenge in water and sanitation is indeed a challenge of monumental proportion. The
figures are well known: globally over a billion people still lack access to safe and reliable
water sources; another 2.4 billion do not have proper sanitation services, and more than 5
million people die each year from water related diseases. Though access to improved
water supply and sanitation facilities has been increasing, it is just sufficient to keep pace
with population growth.
As water and sanitation facilities being vital factor for good hygiene behaviors it expresses
direct relatedness in most of the disease incidences. Diarrhea, worm infestation and eye
and skin infections are diseases related to water and sanitation. About three million
children die from diarrhea each year. Each of the three common worms (roundworms,
whipworms and hookworms) is estimated to infect more than 500 million people. Roughly 6
million people have become blind from trachoma, an eye disease. Good hygiene can help
prevent much of this, saving lives and preventing illness. For example, it is estimated that
washing hands with soap can reduce the risk of diarrhea by more than 40%. Programmes
to promote hand washing might save a million lives each year. Simple hygiene behaviors –
that is what people do, their practices for Cleanliness – are key to improving health.
Hygiene promotion is therefore recognized nowadays as an essential part of water and
sanitation programmes if the maximum health benefits are to be gained from provision of
improved facilities.
Our health-related behavior is partly determined by a complex mix of our knowledge,
beliefs, attitudes, norms and customs. Socio-economic determinants and even political
factors also play important roles. Without the resources to construct and maintain water
supply and sanitation facilities, it is difficult to attain levels of personal, domestic and
environmental hygiene conducive to health.
According to WHO they include: hand washing, having and using latrines, safe disposal of
infant excreta and storing drinking water safely. Our research therefore studied those
behaviors.
2.0 The Research
2.1 Donors : European Union
2.2 Coordinator : IRC International Water and Sanitation Centre, The
Netherlands,
2.3 Duration : 3 years
2.4 Partners : Network for Water and Sanitation, Kenya (NETWAS);
Water Aid Uganda (WAU) working in collaboration with Uganda
Association for Socio-Economic Progress (USEP);
Volta Region Community Water Supply and Sanitation Agency,
Ghana (VRCWSA);
Nepal Water for Health (NEWAH);
COSI Foundation for Technical Cooperation, Sri Lanka (COSI);
Socio- Economic Unit Foundation, Kerala, India (SEUF)
3.0 Objectives:
• To assess the level of sustainability of behavioral change one to three years after a
hygiene promotion intervention;
• To develop a methodology for simple, cost-effective long-term monitoring of
behavioral changes;
• To gain insight into relationships between project approaches, External conditions
and sustainability of changes in hygiene behavior;
• To determine the policy and programming implications of the study findings as a
basis for influencing future policy and increasing the effectiveness of programmes.
4.0 Methodology4.1 Main research activitiesInitial meetings with researchers to design the study, develop the hypotheses to be
tested, and to make drafts of the collection tools and questionnaires. At this stage too the
data input sheets were designed.
Preparatory field work, which included activities such as translating the questionnaires
into local languages, training research assistants, field testing and amending the data
collection tools. In our studies the training of the research assistants was combined with
testing of the tools. Initially the research teams needed to get permission from communities
and, in some cases, from the project principals, to carry out the research.
Field work, which included selecting the communities, sampling households, identifying
community groups. Research assistants carried out the survey activities and recorded the
data in the data sheets.
Analyzing the information, which included checking the data sheets for mistakes and
‘cleaning’ the data, making totals for each question and item, entering these into
spreadsheets for further analysis. Finally, potential associations between the results were
analyzed,
Documenting, disseminating and promoting the use of research findings at the national
and international levels.
4.2 Sampling: Samples in the six-country study were done in Ghana, India and Sri
Lanka. In other countries, Kenya, Nepal and Uganda, random sampling was not practical
because in the communities concerned there were relatively few households with
latrines. Therefore a purposive selection was needed to identify households with latrines
so that an adequate sample size could be achieved. The sanitation data from these three
countries therefore tells us about households with latrines rather than about all the
households in the communities studied.
Table 1: Samples in the six country studyCountry ResearchInstitutionSample size Remarks
Sri Lanka COSI 6 communities
2001:110 HH
2002:150 HH
In 2003, there were 4 projects
(100HH) & 2 control
communities (50 HH)
Ghana VRWSP
10 communities
2001: 220 households
(HH*), 20 schools
2002: 220 HH, 20 schools
Sample had 5 communities
where intervention ended in
1998; 5 communities ended in
2000.
India SEUF
3 communities, 346 HH
2002: 10 communities, 345
HH plus informant
interviews
Intervention ended in different
years from 1993 to 2000.
Kenya NETWAS
International
2001: 6 communities, 215
HH plus 6 women’s groups
2002: 112 HH plus 6
women’s groups plus one
control group, 29 schools
One half of 2001 households
were re-surveyed in 2002.
Individual survey of women’s
group members in 2002; group
interviews in 2001.
Nepal NEWAH 6 communities
2001: 77 HH
73 HH in 4 hill communities
were dropped from the study
2002: 150 HH
2003: 242 HH plus focus
group discussions
Because of security problems.
Two of the remaining 6 had 2-
year interventions and were
Surveyed 2 times. Four had one
year
Interventions.
Uganda Water aid -
Uganda
6 communities
2001:221 HH
2002:180 HH Plus group
and informant interviews
2 communities in each of 3
ethnic groups
5.0 Results and observations:5.1 Comparing with control groups: Comparing communities or groups that had
hygiene education/ promotion with those that did not;
In the Sri Lanka study, the intervention communities tended to perform better than the
control communities in terms of:
• Latrine cleanliness (the floor free from faecal matter): 92% (72/79) for intervention
communities versus 4% (1/22) for the control group.
• Latrine shows signs of use: 96% (75/78) for the intervention versus 77% (17/22) for the
control communities.
• Child excreta is put in latrine: 47% (14/30) versus 17% (1 out of 6 households).
Only the first of these three sets of figures is significant; however, the trend of each is in the
expected direction, with the intervention households appearing to perform better.
In the Indian study, two large communities were selected. The communities had similar
access to water supplies and both had latrine subsidies. One had a sanitation and hygiene
project intervention lasting 7 years, with a hygiene promotion campaign and education
classes. The other had no hygiene promotion or education activities. Comparing the two
communities showed:
• For hand washing skills; the demonstration of how to wash hands correctly (using
soap/ash and rubbing both hands) was performed much better by the project group: 97%
(113/117) versus 10% (10/102) for the control community.
• For reported hand washing practice; always washing both hands with soap and water
was measured through pocket voting. This showed that the project households were
significantly more likely to wash hands consistently: 86% (282/326) compared to 6%
(14/222) for the control community.
• For location of soap (for hand washing) within the household; the premise was that, if
the materials for hand washing are conveniently located, it is more likely that people will
wash their hands. In this study only the project households were likely to have soap and
water convenient for hand washing: 93% (113/121) versus 0% (0/102) for the control
community.
• For household environment; the community with the hygiene project intervention had
significantly cleaner household compounds than the control community. 97% (117/121)
versus 35% (37/105).
An interesting finding was that there was no significant difference between the project
community and control community in:
• Knowledge of critical handwashing times (before eating and after defecation): 120/120
(100%) in the project households and 81/105 (87%) in the control households. Knowledge
was clearly not related to handwashing skills or practice.
• Latrine use and cleanliness: This was at the same level for the control and project
community. Consistent latrine use was shown by pocket-voting: 95% (311/326) in the
project community and 95% (211/222) in the control community. Latrine cleanliness was
the same: 94% (117/121) and 92% (92/105 in the control households). This may indicate
that promotional activities outside the project have been important.
5.2 Using baseline data: Comparing hygiene behaviors before and later or after the
intervention.
Example: Number of households having and using a latrine before and after a project.
Baseline information for two communities in Nepal was collected during group discussions
and group interviews.
Table 2: Latrine coverage Nepal
Community >
1 2
Initial latrine coverage (%)
Final latrine coverage (%)
Rise in coverage (%)
0
43
43
1
55
54
In the baseline study from India ‘before and after’ information was collected from several
separate communities.
TTable 3: Latrine coverage in IndiaCommunity >Kal Ang Koip Mara Kavo Kap Neen Alap Puth Kaip
Initial latrine
coverage (%)
52 15 55 43 39 18 41 24 32 38
Final latrine
coverage (%)
72 41 85 75 72 55 87 71 87 100
Rise in
coverage (%)
20 26 30 32 33 37 46 47 55 62
From these examples, we can see that the project made a difference in latrine ownership.
5.3 Looking for direct evidence: Assessing whether people who participated in
project activities had better hygiene behaviors than those who did not
In our six country study, information was collected in communities where the project had
ended two or more years earlier. We compared the hygiene behaviours of people and
households that had or had not participated in certain hygiene promotion and education
activities during the project.
Personal communication: In the Kenya study, people who said they had heard about
latrines and hand washing from other trained women’s groups and neighbors had
significantly better hand washing practice (p=0.037, OR=1.5).
Attending meetings: In the Ghana study, attending small group meetings was one project
activity that made a difference. People who reported to have attended meetings where
hygiene was discussed were more likely to have better hand washing skills as shown by a
demonstration (stratified by community: p=0.0014, R=2.20, CI 1.33-3.88).
Attending required hygiene classes: The India study showed that women who
remembered hygiene education classes between 2 and 9 years later were significantly
more likely to
• have good hand washing practice (p=0.007, OR=2.04, CI 1.05 - 3.96);
• know that washing hands before eating is important for health reasons (OR 2.9, CI 1.43-
6.0); and
• have household compounds that were clean, free of faeces and other waste (OR 2.8, CI
1.22-6.6).
This was not significant for men, as they did not usually attend the hygiene classes.
Overall exposure to hygiene promotion/education: In the India study, hygiene inputs
were measured in 8 ways: participation in activities, remembering classes, video/slide
shows, drama, competitions, women involved in organization, masons giving messages,
and the number of home visits. All of these were shown to have positive links with the hand
washing practices reported by all the women of the household, although only one (health
education classes, OR 2.04, CI 1.05-3.96) was statistically significant. That these linkages
are all in the expected direction is it self significant; the probability of it arising by chance is
only about 1 in 50.
From this we can see that project activities such as hygiene classes, group meetings or
encouragement by people who had been trained, have had an impact on hand washing
behavior. We can be fairly sure of this since it was studied two or more years after the main
project activities ended.
It was interesting to note that the more personal activities (attending meetings and classes,
hearing from a neighbor) seemed to show more direct impact than the mass activities.
External variablesAccess to water
It has been thought that providing water and sanitation services, including providing water
in or close to the home, can in itself lead to better hygiene behaviours. In our study, we
compared households with good and less good access to water. Access was measured in
different ways such as the time needed to collect water (Kenya, Nepal), the distance to the
source (Sri Lanka, India), the length of queues at water points (Ghana) or the reliability of
the supply (Kenya, Ghana).
It should be noted that, in general, access to water supply was fairly good. However, in
none of the six studies was there any significant relation between access to water and
hand washing knowledge, skills or practice, or latrine cleanliness and maintenance. Only in
one country study, Ghana, did households with worse access to water tend not to have
water and soap conveniently located for hand washing (Stratified by community: p=0.046,
OR=0.57, CI 0.35-0.99). This indicates that providing a convenient water service is
probably not, in itself, a sufficient inducement to good hygiene practices.
Duration of the project
In the Indian project the duration of the intervention did not appear to be related to
behavioral outcomes in the two communities where it was measured. Here it was
suggested that the project should last as long as needed to mobilize the community, to
organize groups and to carry out the work well.
Conversely the duration of the intervention did have some effect in the Nepal programme.
The two-year intervention communities performed better than those with one-year
interventions in some elements of domestic hygiene, such as covering food (p< 0.009) and
in hand washing skills, specifically, rubbing both hands (p<0.022).
Education and socio-economic status
In two countries where it was measured, the education of women was related to hygiene
practices. Women with more education tended to have healthier behaviours. In the Kenya
study better educated women were more likely to have hand washing knowledge, skills and
practice as well as consistent latrine use. The difference between women with more and
less education was significant in all cases (p<0.02). In Nepal, women with more education
tended to demonstrate better hand washing skills and more frequently located soap
conveniently for hand washing in the household (in both cases p<0.01). The indication was
that more educated women do better in adopting hygienic practices.
Socio-economic status and behaviours were compared in two studies: India and Sri Lanka.
In the India study, the hygiene behaviours of women were found not to be related to the
socio-economic status of the community. Their behaviours were linked rather to the
hygiene classes included in the project. Those classes were positively associated with
hand washing reported by women (OR 2.04, CI 1.05-3.96), with their awareness that
washing hands before eating is important for health reasons (OR 2.9, CI 1.43-6.0), and with
their knowledge of the importance of cleanliness of household surroundings, which were
free of faeces and other waste (OR 2.8, CI 1.22-6.6). However, in the same study in India
for men, the above findings were largely reversed. Their latrine or hand washing practices
showed no significant linkages with previous hygiene promotion activities but were closely
linked to the socio-economic status of the community (as rated by the project staff and the
government). Apparently the project had little impact on the habits of hand washing or
latrine use by males.
The inference was that men who lived in richer communities were more likely to use the
latrine consistently and to wash hands consistently. In this (Indian) project women were
more involved in hygiene promotion activities than men. So it appears that there is a
gender issue. We think that if both men and women had been involved in the hygiene
promotion/education activities, there might have been a measurable impact on both men
and women. Variables such as socioeconomic status would then have become less
important. As a result of the study the researchers suggested that, in general, if a hygiene
(and community) intervention is intense, with a strong gender and poverty focus, these
linkages to education and socio-economic status would be weaker.
Other interesting findings
In two country studies, Nepal and Kenya, latrines that were considered easy to use tended
to be better maintained. (Nepal p=0.05, Kenya p=0.041). Skills are related to practice.
People who showed how to wash hands correctly also tended to have better practice. In all
three relevant studies the demonstration of good hand washing skills was associated with
reported good hand washing practice (India p<0.00004, Kenya p=0.00002, Uganda for men
only p=0.038 OR=1.93). Knowledge is not necessarily related to skills. The relation
between hand washing skills and knowledge of critical hand washing times (after
defecation) was mixed. Hand washing skills were linked with the knowledge of the need for
hand washing after defecation for health reasons in Ghana (p=0.00006) and India
(p=0.002) but not in Kenya, Nepal, Sri Lanka or Uganda.
6.0 Sustainability of behaviors
Study looked at this in two ways: End dates and Study Dates
End dates: A comparison was made of projects that ended in different years.
In five countries, behaviours were surveyed in communities where the project interventions
had ended 1 to 4 years previously. Specifically, data was collected in the Kenya, Nepal,
Uganda and Ghana studies from communities where the interventions ended in 1998 and
2000. In one of these countries, Ghana, there were some follow-up visits to the
communities by project staff so that the project did not fully ‘end’ at the specified date. In
the sixth country, India, it was possible to collect data for 10 communities where the
Paper presented for Symposium on November 29, 2006 at PGIA, University of Peradeniya
www.cosi.org.lk
interventions had ended between 1 and 9 years previously. For the studies in five countries
25 comparisons were made between a behavior and the end date of the project. The
behaviours were: hand washing skills, hand washing practices (person washes hands with
soap and water), location of soap/water in the household, latrine shows signs of use,
person uses latrine consistently, latrine is the projects compared were 1998 and 2000.
The results show that in only 2 out of 25 comparisons made did the people practice safe
hygiene behaviours more where the projects ended in 2000 than where the projects ended
in 1998. This infers that the time elapsed after the projects ended did not make much of a
difference. Hygiene behaviours were seen to be similarly sustained whether the projects
ended 4 years or only 1 or 2 years before this study.
Study dates: A comparison was made of data that was collected at two different times,
one year apart.
In our studies, surveys were made in 2001 and 2002, about one year apart. The
behaviours compared were the same as before: The data was analyzed for four countries.
In 17 cases a comparison was made of hygiene behavior changes between the two data
collection dates. In only one of the 17 comparisons was there a significant change over the
one year period, inferring that, in general, the improved hygiene behaviours were being
sustained. The one exception was in the Uganda study where hand washing skills
decreased from 49% (42/86) in the 2001 survey to 35% (76/214) in the 2002 survey. This
was significant at the 95% level (p=0.045 , OR=0.58 CI 0.33-0.99) with changes seen in
two out of three districts.
7.0 Conclusion:
Four ways to study the impact of programme interventions on hygiene practices were
examined:
• comparing results of intervention and control groups,
• showing changes over time, using baseline information,
• finding evidence of direct links between inputs during the project period in terms of
hygiene activities and outputs after the project had ended in terms of hygiene
practices,
• examining some standard external variables such as improved access to drinking
water, education and socio-economic levels.
All of this was studied after the projects had ended. This is more difficult than determining
the impact of the project during or near the end of the intervention when activities are still
fresh in the minds of people. However, evidence of impact was still found even several
years after the interventions had ended.
The results showed that hygiene interventions had an impact on aspects of hand washing
skills/practice and latrine use/maintenance. Hygiene promotion activities associated
particularly with engendering new behaviours were those involving personal contact,
attendance at group meetings, required hygiene classes.
Duration: The number of years of the intervention did not appear to be related to
behavioral outcomes in the Indian project where it was suggested that the project should
last as long as needed to mobilize the community and to carry out the work well.
Conversely, duration of the intervention did have some effect in the Nepal programme
where two-year intervention communities were better than those with one year
interventions in some elements of domestic hygiene and in hand washing skills.
Access: The results indicated that just providing water is not enough to change
behaviours, as there were no significant links between access to water and hygienic
behaviours.
Education and economic status: The results suggested that, if the hygiene promotion
and education efforts are intense and with a strong focus on reaching the poor and
reaching both men and women (poverty and gender focus), then certain external variables
may fade in importance. Specifically, the external variables that might then have less
impact on performing hygiene behaviours may be: the education level of women, the socioeconomic
status of the community, the difference between women and men in hygiene
practices.
Sustainability of hygiene behaviours infers that, in terms of behavior sustainability, the
amount of time since the projects ended did not make much of a difference. Hygiene
behaviours were seen to be similarly sustained in projects that ended four years or only
one or two years before the study. For the study in India, where the projects ended later,
women were significantly more likely to wash both hands with soap and water (p=0.004)
and were significantly more likely to use the latrine when at home (p=0.00013 ). In other
words, hand washing and latrine use practice did seem to deteriorate with time. However,
the fall-off was not very great. Even where the project had ended seven or nine years
before the survey, about four out of five (80%) of the women were reportedly still
consistently using their latrines.
"Work with other like-minded organizations – in the Water Environmental Sanitation & Hygienesector and beyond – to help communities organize themselves and build the capacity to improvetheir own livelihoods through a sustainable development process – "Community Self-Improvementand Empowerment" - COSI
